Kováts Bence: The Financialisation of Housing and Housing-related Family Support in Hungary
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2. Theoretical foundations
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2.2. Approaches to housing support by the family
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2.2.3. Familialism and (post-)state socialism in Central and Eastern Europe
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2.2.3.2. Familialism during the protracted transformation

2.2.3.2. Familialism during the protracted transformation

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The conceptualisation of self-build in TEEHM as a tolerated individual (and in some reformist countries state-supported) strategy to overcome the supply-demand disequilibrium in the state-socialist housing system became an important point of reference for theorists of self-build and the role of family support in housing in the region. Stephens, Lux and Sunega (2015), Tsenkova (2009), and Norris and Domański (2009), broadly aligned with Hegedüs and Tosics’s (1996) interpretation of self-build as the secondary quasi-market form of housing provision induced by built-in contradictions of state socialism, noted the rise of familialism across the whole region after the regime change in the form of increasing self-building and the high share of people in intergenerational co-residence.

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Tsenkova (2009) analyses housing systems of Southern Eastern European (SEE) countries in terms of “efficiency” through indicators largely reflecting an ideal typical liberal housing system characterised by means-tested subsidies, a developed mortgage market and a low share of informal construction. While Hegedüs and Tosics (1996) associated self-build with the inefficiency of state-socialist housing policy, in a similar vein, Tsenkova considers widespread self-build in the decades after the regime change to be resulting from a protracted transition into a liberal market economy (implicitly displayed as efficient).

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Another group of authors, focusing more explicitly on family support in housing, evaluate the region in terms of welfare regime categories of Esping-Andersen (1990) and the rental system typology of Kemeny (1992, 1995). Norris and Domański (2009) examine 27 EU member states through their housing quality indicators, the form and extent of state intervention, commodification and family support. Based on the few indicators applied, the authors conclude that in state-socialist housing systems the disappearance of “state drivers” and the underdevelopment of “market drivers” brought about more reliance on the family, exemplified by intergenerational co-residence (ibid., p. 403).

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In a similar vein, taking up Esping-Andersen’s (1990) thesis about power structure and ideology as main mechanisms behind the formation of housing systems, Stephens, Lux and Sunega (2015) argue that in contrast with the state-socialist housing system where “power and ideology were united” (ibid., p. 1217) in forming a peculiar unitary rental system, in the post-state socialist period ideology could not gain ground to the extent it would create a stable power structure. The lack of a firm ideological basis of decision-making in CEE countries keeps the region in a protracted transformation, preventing the domination of either the state or the market, materialising in the form of widespread debt-free home ownership. This “welfare regime by default” gives way to the family’s distinguished role in housing provision in the form of self-build, but also a high level of intergenerational financial transfers and intergenerational co-residence (Stephens, Lux and Sunega, 2015).

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In his work conceptualising the development of housing systems in new member states of the EU, Hegedüs (2020, p. 56) touches upon changes in reciprocity, including mostly mutual support in the family and among friends, in different tenures. Similarly to Stephens, Lux and Sunega (2015), and Norris and Domański (2009), he argues reciprocity has risen since the regime change.

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Several studies exploring the housing-related intergenerational transfer of resources in individual countries adopt the approach of Norris and Domański (2009) and Stephens, Lux and Sunega (2015), and explain the importance of family support in CEE by an extremely high rate of home ownership emerging after the mass-privatisation of public housing after the regime change, and an underdeveloped mortgage market (Cirman, 2008; Druta and Ronald, 2018; Lux, Sunega and Kážmér, 2021).

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Another approach, based more on CEE welfare theory than the literature on housing, is taken by Mandic (2008). Evaluating structural determinants of home-leaving of young adults by methods of hierarchical agglomerative clustering, she argues that only Northern CEE countries constitute a separate group while Czechia falls in the NWE group, and Hungary and Slovenia clusters with SE. Similarly to the CEE welfare literature, her results suggest the region exhibits high level of diversity and the state-socialist past does not materialise in a pattern of familialism distinct from the region of SE.
 
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