3.2.3. Microdeterminants of intergenerational co-residence

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Besides studies evaluating the increase of intergenerational co-residence in different countries and its causes, a great deal of inquiries were made into the microdeterminants of the phenomenon on the level of the family. Based on the analysis of data from 10 old EU member states recorded in 2004-2005, Albertini and Kohli (2013) found parents’ tenant status, income, financial wealth, university education; and child’s age, parenthood, female gender, higher than lowest education positively impact non-residence with parents; while the child’s divorced or unmarried status, and the lack of job affect it negatively.

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In the analysis of independent variables for three European welfare regimes (excluding the liberal group) separately, results deviate from the general relationship in the SE and the Nordic social democratic welfare regimes. In SE parents’ education and child’s gender do not, unemployment of the latter does have an effect on intergenerational co-residence. In the North, only parents’ income, financial wealth, and the child’s age, female gender, higher than lowest education and (in contrast with findings for all countries) the number of siblings impact non-residence with parents positively, while the child’s divorced or unmarried status is reported to cause staying in the parental home. Albertini and Kohli (2013, p. 835) argue that a less significant impact of the child’s employment and education status on co-residence in Nordic countries can be explained by the highest level of de-commodification in the region. Since in these countries citizens facing hardship are more protected, intergenerational co-residence is less driven by the material deprivation of the child.

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Isengard, König and Szydlik (2018) examine data from a newer 2015 wave of the same survey expanded to 17 European countries, including a few from CEE. On the one hand, the authors find that parents’ higher than lowest education, income, migrant background, parents’ age above 60 or the child’s age above 30, parents’ divorced or widow status, non-urban residence; the existence of the child’s siblings, partnership and the lack of care of grandparents for the child’s children all have a positive effect on non-residence with parents. On the other hand, parents’ home ownership, the number of rooms in their dwelling, the child’s male gender, lack of full-time employment all have a negative effect on non-residence with parents.

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Findings of the two groups of authors based on data recorded with 10 years of difference in a slightly different group of countries, largely correspond. The most significant difference is that in the more recent expanded dataset, the number of the child’s siblings affects intergenerational co-residence clearly negatively while earlier there was no relationship. Parenthood of the child was found by Albertini and Kohli (2013) to make intergenerational co-residence less likely while Isengard, König and Szydlik (2018) find it has a highly positive effect on intergenerational co-residence.

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Isengard, König and Szydlik (2018) also looked at the effect of country-specific macro indicators on intergenerational co-residence. They found high social expenditures to GDP, high poverty rate, GINI index, youth unemployment and housing cost overburden rate affect intergenerational co-residence positively while GDP per capita impacts it negatively which somewhat confirms my earlier finding about a strong core-semiperiphery difference (Kováts, 2021).

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The above findings, on the one hand, underpin the importance of need, both on the individual (socio-economic status of adult children) and on the macro level (national socio-economic indicators). However, on the other hand, home ownership and employment of parents also seem to be the prerequisite of intergenerational co-residence on the micro level. Young adults in need with parents in poverty can to a lesser extent count on the family’s help in the form of co-residence. This group of young adults are hit hardest by housing unaffordability as they have to rely on their own resources, most often renting (shared) housing on the market (McLoughlin, 2013; Clapham et al., 2014; Kemp, 2015).
 
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