Kováts Bence: The Financialisation of Housing and Housing-related Family Support in Hungary
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4. Housing-related family support in Hungary
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4.2. The development of housing-related parental support in numbers
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4.2.4. Changing structure of housing-related parental support

4.2.4. Changing structure of housing-related parental support

Jegyzet elhelyezéséhez, kérjük, lépj be.!

Based on the above analysis of sources about self-build, intergenerational co-residence and financial support, the trend of parental support since WWII and its changing structure can be more precisely traced. Based on the data from Sik’s (1984) multi-generational study, the share of males can be presented who were between 45 and 51 years old in 1979 and had received financial support or construction support. Data suggest that in this generation, receiving support in the 1950s and early 1960s, the two types of support were received by a very similar share of people: 12% received construction support and 14,5% financial support (ibid., pp. 358, 361). The reception of intergenerational co-residence is reported by 11% of all respondents (males and females together) (ibid., p. 378), however, it is presumed males received a higher share of it than females, therefore intergenerational co-residence is expected to be approximately as frequently provided as the other two types of support in the early postwar period.

Jegyzet elhelyezéséhez, kérjük, lépj be.!

As discussed in the previous sections, financial support has been continuously on the rise since WWII, intergenerational co-residence started to increase from the 1970s at the latest after a postwar drop, while construction support largely stagnated until the regime change and fell afterwards. Though the structure of parental support was never examined in detail in the period, 1988 figures of Róbert (1986, 1991) on the spread of construction support and financial support confirm a more significant difference between the share of parents providing financial support and those providing construction support in the 1980s than following WWII described above. He recorded 28% of young adults received financial support, 8% housing-related labour support, and an additional 9% both types in 1988 (Róbert, 1991, p. 65).

Jegyzet elhelyezéséhez, kérjük, lépj be.!

This increase of the difference is confirmed by Medgyesi’s (2007, p. 104) data recorded in 2005. He found that the share of recipients of labour support in housing construction fell from 20% to 7% between the 1980s and the 2000-2005 period, the share of recipients of material support (consisting mostly of financial support and the provision of a dwelling as a gift) rose from 46% in the 1970s to 60% in the first half of the 2000s.

Jegyzet elhelyezéséhez, kérjük, lépj be.!

Due to a lack of data about the provision of multiple types of parental support, the overall trend of intergenerational support cannot be precisely defined. However, supposing the share of providers of multiple types of parental support has not shifted significantly since WWII, the Hungarian housing literature seems to have correctly assumed the trends in parental support during state socialism even though, in line with Gagyi et al. (2019) and my earlier findings (Kováts, 2021), parental support did not fluctuate on the semiperiphery as abruptly as it would be assumed based on a transition-focused perspective. The share of people providing parental support was the lowest after WWII as financial support and intergenerational co-residence were much less widespread than today while construction support is not supposed to have been higher than in the 1980s, by when the frequency of the provision of the other two support types had increased. Based on this evidence, parental support was the most widespread in the 1980s.

Jegyzet elhelyezéséhez, kérjük, lépj be.!

Some of the post-millennial development of the phenomenon is explored by Székely (2018), who examined the share of transactions of owner-occupied dwellings in which family support was used. Though this includes help provided by other family members and not only parental support, the trend she identifies is interesting. Dividing responses into a pre-crisis and a post-crisis period, she found that the share of transactions in which family support was used significantly increased after 2008 (Székely, 2018, p. 69). This might suggest that the transition view correctly assumes that cycles of intense housing commodification relieve the family from assisting their younger members in accessing housing, and family support is significant at times market finance is less available. Parental support in the post-state socialist period will be analysed in Chapter 6 with the help of HCSO microdata.
 
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