6.1. General characteristics of evidence procedures

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In the states that follow the continental legal system, the aim of evidence is, as a rule, to establish the historical facts as accurately and truthfully as possible (material truth). This is, of course, a time-consuming task, the main disadvantage of which is the length of proceedings, compared to the Anglo-Saxon systems. However, the advantage is presumably that the authorities (courts) take a wider range and greater number of evidentiary measures, which in turn leads to a higher detection rate and a more solid basis for judgments. It should be noted that experience has shown that the shorter the time from the first investigative act to the final court decision, the greater the likelihood of finding the substantive truth. 1

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Ervin Belovics argues in favour of the pursuit of material justice, who says that the discovery of material truth is “a fundamental basis, the rejection of which would deprive justice itself of its most important characteristic, like […] if we demanded that basketball players fight without a ball in the game.”2 It is a different matter that in many cases it is not possible to establish the true facts and that courts find the accused criminally liable on the basis of circumstantial evidence alone.3

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According to Károly Bárd, the free system of evidence characteristic of continental models essentially reflects the “arrogance” of the “enlightenment type of man”, an attitude that is also fundamental to the adjudicatory forums of today’s continental systems. The legislators of these systems start from the hypothesis that the judiciary, during its socialization, necessarily masters the methods of fact-finding, and therefore the creation of formal rules is only necessary to a minimal extent.4 In these systems, he argues, “the sole function of the criminal justice system is to establish a ‘historical fact’ and to judge it in accordance with the law. The system is open to this sole function: if it can obtain information from sources other than the criminal procedure which may help to establish the facts, it will accept it without hesitation. This is served by the system of free acquisition and use of evidence, i.e. it does not matter that the information was obtained by methods alien to the rules of criminal procedure, nor is the use of the information precluded by the fact that the use of the method in question is prohibited in the criminal procedure itself. The point is to ensure that the decision-maker has all the relevant information.”5

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Frank calls these systems “justice theory”6 models, Lensing refers to them as “law enforcement”7 models. Nevertheless, Erdei argues that “the view that identifies the continental mixed system with the inquisitorial one, accusing it of being indifferent to procedural guarantees, is false.”8 In essence, this is the position taken by the Court of Justice, which in the so-called ‘Kruslin’ decision stated that “it would be a mistake to exaggerate the distinction between common law countries and continental countries […]. The law is, of course, equally important in common law countries. Case law, on the other hand, traditionally plays a major role in continental countries, since positive law is mainly the result of decisions of the courts.”9

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According to Hermann, in a continental legal system, there is no doubt that the evidence led by the judge is comprehensive in nature, since the judge must not only take evidence, but also check whether and to what extent the answers of witnesses, experts and defendants are true.10

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It should be noted that there are also significant differences between the continental systems, and the cultural, legal and taxonomic contexts must always be taken into account in the analysis.11 The common features of these systems are summarised below:

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  1. Professional judges are at the heart of the evidence, as they carry out the first in-depth examination of the suitability of the prosecution for trial. Most court proceedings, however, can be described as a process of reviewing the information that has come to light on the basis of the investigative material, the content of which is extracted from the indictment. In many cases, therefore, trials are “symbolic”, meaning that the court does not order the completion of previous evidence but makes its decision on the basis of the investigative material, at most by re-examining witnesses. In such cases, therefore, the role of the hearings is merely to ensure that the principles of publicity, immediacy and openness are respected. According to Cséka, in many cases “the basis for the factual framework in the judicial branch is usually given […] it is true that the judge does not begin his work by drawing legal conclusions based on the facts, but also takes and examines the evidence obtained during the investigation and only then answers the question: quid juris? But in judicial proceedings, the outline of the factual issue is clear and the basis is firm: the outline is usually given by the prosecution, the basis by the material of the investigation.”12
    Other special features:
    • "primary evidence”, the establishment of facts, takes place in trials at first instance; their purpose is no longer to investigate, but to prove;13
    • judges may order evidence or its supplementation not only on request but also ex officio; in this respect, it should be noted that, according to general practice, the court already takes care of obtaining the case file at an earlier stage of the proceedings and thus knows the prosecution in its entirety (even before the start of the trial phase);14
    • the judges determine the order in which evidence is taken, examine witnesses and experts first, and often (ex officio) carry out other acts of evidence (the prosecution and defence only exercise their procedural rights in a complementary way);15
    • the court’s decision is not separate on the question of guilt and sentencing: both main questions are, as a rule, decided by the same judge/jury;16
    • in court decisions on the merits closing cases, reasons must be given for the weighing of evidence;
    • the “yardstick” for successful judgments is the level of substantive truth, and consequently there are far more opportunities for appeals and other remedies to correct errors compared to the Anglo-Saxon systems.
  2. The participation of lay elements (jurors or jury members) in the trial is allowed by most codes of procedure based on continental traditions. The mandate of these procedural subjects is for a predetermined period of time in the relevant court. The relationship between the judge and the lay persons is direct, and the stages of the decision (determination of criminal liability or sanction) are not separated according to procedural subjects. It should be noted that the adoption of the jury system became one of the most important liberal demands in the 19th century, both in France and Germany.17 Its introduction was repeatedly attempted in European countries that followed the continental system of procedure, but these attempts were always unsuccessful. Kahn-Freund argues that the main reason for this was that “the legal profession hated it because it did not fit into the usual distribution of power between the legal profession and the courts, which was in keeping with the inquisitorial procedure.”18Nevertheless, in the 1990s, this system became established in Spain (1995) and Russia (1998).
    In the case of jury trials, the duty of the court to state reasons is also emphasised in the continental systems. In Taxquet v. Belgium (2009), the applicant was charged, along with seven other defendants, with participating in the murder of a minister and with preparing to murder the minister’s partner, and the jury had to answer essentially the same questions in the trial of the eight defendants, who were clearly involved in a different capacity. Such laconic answers may have given the impression of arbitrariness of justice to the applicant, who could not understand the criteria by which the court had decided on the guilt of the defendants without the necessary justification. 19
  3. The primary task of the investigating authorities is to select the facts to be investigated and then to search for and gather the sources leading to them in order to bring charges. The legal rules governing their status and procedure are more extensive in the various procedural codes, given their role in the taking of evidence (detection). Tremmel explains this more specific role by the general scarcity of evidence. For this reason, “in all countries [following any system] there is a need for investigation, i.e. the preliminary collection of evidence by the authorities in preparation for a crime.” 20
  4. The questioning of witnesses by members of the investigating authority is rare, and the presentation of investigation documents is more common.21
  5. Defenders are typically not representatives but assistants of the accused, and therefore are not obliged to follow their client’s instructions, and in most cases do not even need their client’s instructions, tactical or otherwise.22 The Court found a violation of the Convention when the applicant, despite having requested in the main proceedings that the lawyer appointed by him be present during his interrogation, was refused by the police and finally, after 2 days of intensive interrogation, confessed. According to the Court, this caused irreparable damage to the rights of the defence at the initial stage of the proceedings.23
  6. The accused’s testimony is an independent means of evidence, in which he or she is not obliged to tell the truth, but cannot falsely accuse another person of committing a crime.
  7. The filing of an appeal also affects the status of the accused: accordingly, until a final decision is issued, the accused is considered to be a mere accused. It can therefore be concluded that the requirements of the presumption of innocence are stronger in the continental system in this respect.24
    Following Bárd’s study, it can be concluded that the accusatorial features of the European continental legal system are becoming increasingly strong in the states of Europe, as can be seen below:
    • the principle of “equality of arms” in the administrative (judicial) procedure is more strongly enforced;
    • wider participation of the defence in the preparatory procedures is ensured;
    • in several states, the investigating judge has been abolished or replaced by a “neutral” judge who has no interest in the outcome of the proceedings.25
 

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The author notes that the above mentioned criteria of “procedural fairness” have now become a feature of the former socialist countries, both at the level of law and law enforcement.26
1 Cf. the passage of time does not typically favour the effectiveness of evidence.
3 Erdei also draws attention to the same peculiarity, stating that “in criminal proceedings, the truth can in principle be established, but not in every specific criminal case.” Erdei: What is the truth? In Erdei (1990) ibid. 11.
5 Károly Bárd: A büntető eljárási törvény tervezete az európai jogfejlődésben. [The Draft Criminal Procedure Act in the Development of European Law] Jogtudományi Közlöny, 1998/4. 122.
6 Frank (1949) ibid. 80102. In: P. Bárd (2014) ibid. 40.
7 Lensing, Hans: Some thoughts on criminal law and procedure, European integration and legal education, in Witte De, Bruno – Forder, Caroline (eds): The common law of Europe and the future of legal education, Deventer, Kluwer, 1992. 373396.
9 Cited in Serge Gutwirth – Paul de Hert: Een teoretische onderbouw voor een legitem strafproces. Delikt en Delinkwent, 31, 1048-1087.
10 Herrmann, Joachim: Models for the reform of criminal procedure in Eastern Europe: a comparative legal approach. Magyar Jog, 1997/6. 321.
11 Zsanett Fantoly: Accusatorial or inquisitorial prosecution? ibid. 32.
12 Ervin Cséka: A büntető ténymegállapítás elméleti alapjai. [The Theoretical Foundations of Criminal Justice.] Budapest, KJK, 1968. 276.
13 Tibor Jármai: Reflections on certain questions of evidence. Ferenc Nagy (ed.): Ad futuram memoriam ibid. 2007. 63.
14 In this context, it is legitimate to criticise the fact that the judge may have a kind of “preliminary view” of the case beforehand, which can greatly influence his or her involvement in the trial and the subsequent decision.
15 If the chairman of the board not only directs or supervises the taking of evidence, but also carries it out himself, then we are talking about the continental model; if he does not have the power to conduct interrogations, because they are carried out by the parties, then we are talking about the Anglo-Saxon system of trial. In: Ervin Cséka (2003) ibid. 349.
16 An exception to this is, of course, cases where the law requires mandatory participation of a seated person.
17 Jury trial existed in Italy, Switzerland and Russia from 1864 and in Spain from 1872, but it also made inroads in Portugal, Denmark, Sweden, Serbia and Romania. This also shows that the Hungarian justice system was lagging behind the European mainstream. In Attila Diószegi: Az esküdtbíráskodásról. [On jury trial]. https://debreceniitelotabla.birosag.hu/sites/default/files/field_attachment/az_eskudtbiraskodasrol.pdf
18 Kahn-Freund, Otto: On Uses and Misuses of Comparative Law. Modern Law Review. 1974/37. 1–27.
19 In these circumstances, the Court of Appeal could not carry out an effective review, nor could it determine whether the reasoning leading to the finding of guilt was sufficient. Taxquet v. Belgium judgment of 13 January, 2009, no. 926/05. In: GrádWeller (2011) ibid. 359.
20 Flórián Tremmel: Can the basic concepts of the theory of evidence be developed further? In Csaba Fenyvesi – Csongor Herke (eds.): Tanulmányok Erdősy Emil Professzor tiszteletére. [Studies in honour of Professor Emil Erdősy.] University of Pécs, 2002. 197.
22 Nagorcka, Felicity – Stanton, Michael – Wilson, Michael: Stranded Between Partisanship and the Truth? A Comparative Analysis of Legal Ethics in the Adversarial and Inquisitorial Systems of Justice, Melbourne University Law Review, 2005/29. 452–465.
23 Pishchalnikov v. Russia judgment of 24 September 2009, no. 7025/04. In: Grád–Weller ibid. 372.
24 K. Bárd (2014) ibid. 32.
25 Valérie Dervieux: The French System.
26 K. Bárd (2014), ibid. 29.
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