8.3.2. Two prominent domestic scholars of administrative law: Ignác (Ignace) Zsoldos and Emil Récsi

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The most significant work of Ignác (Ignace) Zsoldos (1803-1885)1 an ordinary member of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences (and also his main work on administrative law) is The Office of District Administrator (Hun. A szolgabírói hivatal).2.

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Apart from the less scientific work of Károly Puky de Bizák (1789-1831), which should be mentioned as a parallel,3 it is practically the earliest Hungarian-language work with scientific claims, primarily on the subject of local government law (which deals with many special issues of administrative law and is also the first in some of these areas). Essentially, this work of his is the first Hungarian-language manual on administrative law. Zsoldos approached the issues of professional administration, which are today understood as social affairs, fundamentally from the perspective of providing medical care to the poor, if you like, he examined the public medical care of the time from the perspective of the tasks of the Office of the District Administrator. In this context, he also quotes (partly) three regulations in Latin (without translation), which I also publish in text form in a footnote due to their difficulty in finding. The first quoted text – in Zsoldos’ interpretation – is in principle found on page 74 of the regional council circular (‘circular institution;’ Hun. ‘körintézkedés’/ ‘körintézmény’, i.e. körlevél) dated 10 January 17974 No. 674; the second is the circular letter of the council of governor-generals’ (Hun. Helytartótanács) dated 18 March 18005 No. 6486 (probably also a council of governor-generals’ circular6);7 the third one is an adequate part of the text of the circular letter of the Supreme Government (Hun. főkormányszék) dated 298 the third is an adequate part of the text of the circular letter of the Supreme Government dated 29 May 1804.9

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According to the text of the 1797 district circular letter, any poor patient or person of uncertain housing or financial status who receives medical care during his hospital stay, and if his condition worsens because the surgeon abandons his treatment, then such a surgeon should be brought to justice for this or for any similar misdeeds that affect the admitted patients under his treatment. In such a case, it is certainly appropriate to bring the surgeon before the board of local elders, so that the poor patients themselves can act on their suspicion. The elders of the local (Lat. gremialis; Hun. kebelbeli) settlement should also be obliged to provide a sick bed. The costs of their food are reimbursed, and the county bodies are obliged to cover the costs of their care are. The determination of the costs incurred is within the power of the acting magistrate, who must also take into account the county doctor’s claims for reimbursement and must accurately notify the county treasury of the prescription costs incurred.10

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According to the 1800 (council of governor-generals’) circular, the district administrator of the district (Lat. districtualis judlium; Hun. kerületi szolgabíró), the reverend/pastor (Lat. parochus) or the locality’s superior, after a preliminary hearing, will also examine the surgeon’s protocol and the prescription, and take into account the medications prescribed and used by the [board of] local surgeons (Lat. gremiales Chirurgos) belonging to the given office, body, or administrative unit, and make a decision taking all of this into account. It must be determined whether the medications used by the surgeons have indeed been used for the benefit of the taxpayers in need. Zsoldos’s statement in this regard was made on December 1, 180111

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The ‘regulation’ under No. 26 303 of 1791 (council of governor-generals) was supplemented in such a way that the price list of medicines (‘medicinal products’ Hun. orvosi szerek) provided to ‘poor taxpayers’ had to be forwarded to the county by the doctors, accompanied by the original prescriptions. The documents were then submitted to the district council. After that, the district council reviewed the prices of the medicines, revised them, and – in today’s terms – established a new ‘more correct’ (cheaper) official price (Lat. taxa). The subsequent payment was ordered from the local treasury.12

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According to the 1804 circular from the General Government, in the future, medicines could only be prescribed to those who were extremely poor (Lat. extreme pauperibus) who certified their poverty before the deputy governor or another official. In the absence of such an official, the local reverend/pastor was to be carefully informed about how to handle the case.13

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Zsoldos therefore rightly draws the conclusion based on the regulations of the time that the task of the district administrator’s offices consisted partly of treating poor patients and partly of arranging for the payment of the medicine prices spent on their treatment, which consisted of the following:

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1) The district administrator’s duty is to ensure that the treatment of those whose financial means allow it (“who can afford ”) is not at the expense of the household treasury. It is the district administrator’s ‘spiritual obligation’ to supervise this.14 Zsoldos also adds to all this that it is not possible to order medicine for the entire population of a taxing municipality for the household treasury, even if there is a human epidemic affecting the entire population(“public”) or an animal disease (“cattle danger”) affecting the entire municipality’s livestock.
 

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2) He emphasises the importance (“a matter of the soul”) that only those poor people who are ordered to receive medical care and medication (“receive medical treatment”) should receive it. Referring to the procedural rules, he emphasises that “people should not be sacrificed to the many formalities.” He gives the example of a dying person who could be helped but is not prescribed medicine because he does not have a contemporary official certificate, the poverty certificate15 (“certificate of poverty [issued] under an authentic seal”) does not present (“cannot present”) and is refused by bringing with him a document issued according to the rules of formal compulsion (“a certificate in the required form”). Regarding the doctor who refuses treatment in the event of failure to present the document, Zsoldos draws this conclusion by omitting an incriminating word: “[A]t then — — but I will not say the name of such cruelty.”
 

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3) He considers it advisable that the district administrator inform the population about the free medical treatment options for poor people (and their animals) in his district verbally during possible public gatherings(“he notifies the population verbally during some gathering.”). He also describes the procedure: “If someone is poor and has trouble with himself or his cattle, he should report himself - or his relatives should report - to the judge, and they should ask him for a certificate under the village seal stating that he is poor and cannot afford to buy medical supplies; and if he takes this letter to the county doctor, he will prescribe medical supplies for him free of charge, and the pharmacy will also issue him the medicine at the county’s expense. And if he already appears with this to the regular county doctor or surgeon, they are obliged to provide him with such a certificate.”16
 

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It is important that a formal deficiency (‘lack of form’ Hun. formahiány), for example due to the lack of a seal on a document, or other similar deficiencies, or even the lack of a document (‘letter’) alone, is not a reason for rejection. According to Zsoldos, the impossibility of rejection in the absence of a document is the case occurs when someone is tortured on the road. It often happened that poor people were beaten to death on the road (presumably by robbers or other criminals). The perpetrators, from whom a payment to compensate for the cost of treatment could have been demanded, mostly remained unknown. The injured person, who was also poor, was unable to pay for the costs of his treatment, so in such cases the magistrate, if there was a hospital in the area, ordered him to be taken there, if not, he sent him to the county surgeon for maintenance and treatment. These costs were covered by the treasury - against the magistrate’s report.17

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In the case of noble (or other) poor people, it was also possible to cover the costs of treatment and maintenance from the noble treasury or donations (“free offerings”), so it was right for the magistrate to have them treated as well, since "it is truly impossible to abandon a person."18

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But if the doctor recognises the circumstances in the absence of the above costs (since conscience does not prohibit, but commands mercy – Zsoldos points out) he can boldly prescribe medicine. This requires accurate maintenance of the medicine diary (name of patients; medicine(s) ordered for them; fact of a district administrator’s order; or the name of the witness who was presented /i.e. the data of the person testifying to his poverty, who in general procedural law in today’s terminology is an instrument of proof/. The doctor must also keep the documentary and possibly material means of proof (“evidence”) “for presentation in time of need” (i.e. the obligation to present it has also been specified). It is advisable for the doctor to write the testimony of poverty in a column of the diary together with the indication of the evidence (Hun. ‘bizonysággal’).19

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The author also mentions the type of complaint regarding doctors and surgeons that many advance change of horses (Lat. ‘forspont’; Hun. ‘előfogat’) are wasted. This was a free serf transportation service provided to officials (including state doctors and surgeons) and soldiers. Zsoldos condemns the use due to its illegality, those doctors and surgeons who even once went to lunch with respectable gentlemen or a patient who was not in serious condition (“guilty - let him stay”). On the other hand, if someone used the carriages even “for a hundred stops” in the interests of taxpayers or the public health of the county, that deserves praise.20
 

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4)The drug lists and drug price lists, the medical diaries, were “to be submitted to the county” by the district administrator at the end of the year. After collecting the certificates submitted by the districts, the chief district administrator drew up a certificate. The documents had to be submitted together with a certificate with the following text: “I certify the real poverty of the non-nobles who have appealed – based on the testimonies presented before me.” (N. N. Chief general administrator manu propria (Hun. N. N. m. k. Főbíró.) In the case of county prisoners, the certificates were submitted by the sub-general administrator or the chief general administrator in the districts.21

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Emil Récsi (1822-1864)22 a correspondent member of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences (and whose main work revolved around administrative law) was the first professor who presented administrative law in our country at the University of Pest. In practice, we should consider him the first Hungarian public administration scholar who, while devotedly cultivating his field of study, public administrative law, was its first domestic university lecturer, and a correspondent member of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences. A hall at the Eötvös Loránd University Faculty of Law and Political Studies bears his name.

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His most valuable and in many respects pioneering work, written in Hungarian, was the four-volume, nearly 1,500-page work entitled Handbook of Public Administration (Hun. a Közigazgatási törvénytudomány kézikönyve from 1854-1855).23 He dealt with the poverty police (the ‘poor police’)24 and in this context he mainly dealt with the following issues: the task of the poverty police;25 removing the causes of poverty;26

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. savings banks;27 aid to the poor;28 regulations against begging.29

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The volume draws attention to a very interesting case of reception in the field of poor relief, implemented through voluntary adaptation. The oldest regulation among the Austrian, Czech, Galician, Lombard-Venetian and Hungarian territories was established in Bohemia in 1782 in the form of parish poor relief institutions. The regulation on the treatment of beggars was issued on the model of this in Transylvania according to Récsi30 (although he does not specifically state its year of publication, numbering, name and availability, and content).31

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Like its domestic, late representatives, Polizeiwissenschaft deals with the lack or poor quality of the main necessities of life (anticipating today’s food security) - grain shortages, high prices, as well as the cleanliness of the atmosphere (!) - anticipating environmental protection and sustainability in 1854, that is, as early as 170 years ago.32
 
1 Koi, G. (2013). Évszázadok mezsgyéjén. Négy magyar közigazgatás-tudós útkeresése és életpéldája. Zsoldos Ignác (1803-1885) Récsi Emil (1822-1864) Concha Győző (1846-1933) Magyary Zoltán (1888-1945), [On the Confines of Centuries. Path-finding and careers of four Hungarian Legal Scholars. Ignác (Ignace) Zsoldos (1803-1885) Emil Récsi (1822-1864) Győző (Victor) Concha (1846-1933) Zoltán Magyary (1888-1945)]. Rev.: Schweitzer, G., Tamás A. (Budapest:Nemzeti Közszolgálati Egyetem). 121-140. ISBN 978-615-5344-41-1
2 Zsoldos I. (1842). A szolgabírói hivatal I. Törvénykezési rész. II. Közrendtartási rész. [The Office of District Administrator. I. Judicial part. II. Public order part]. (Pápa: Pápai Református Kollégium).xviii, 401; 528. ISBN no.
3 Bizáki Puky K. (1828). Politikai igazgatás, avagy a magyarországi tekintetes vármegyék politikai szerkesztetéseknek és igazgatások módjainak, úgy nemkülönben azon nemes megyék, melly politikai igazgató székek által, és miképpen való kormányoztatásoknak rövid leírása. [Political administration, or a brief description of the political structures and methods of administration of the important counties of Hungary, as well as the noble counties, by which political directorates they are governed, and how they are governed]. (Pest: Trattner-Károlyi). vi, 112. ISBN no.
4 In Zsoldos' work, it is a peculiar custom to occasionally give the date of the date in Roman numerals, and this was also the case here.
5 „Ne patientes pauperiores, aut incertae mansionis aegroti opera Chirurgi destituantur, tam Chirurgi medio Processualium Judicum, eo, ut similes imposterum etiam sub curam suam recipiant, quam vero quorumvis locorum gremialium Primores superinde, quod miseros patientes Chirurgo Districtuali per se insinuandos, et sibi assignandos victu, et si morbi circumstantiae admiserint, etiam hospitio providere sint obligati, condignam pro impensis penes recognitionem D. Processualis Judlium, et respective Physici Comitatensis satisfactionem e cassa Comitatus recepturi, edoceantur.” Zsoldos (1842) op. cit. II. 193.
6 Roman number date of the day.
7 Districtualis Judlium, auditis praevie Parocho, aut Loci Primoribus in Protocollis Chirurgicis id, quod praescripta, et per gremiales Chirurgos adhibita Medicamenta, reipsa pro egentioribus aegrotantibus Contribuentibus data sint recognoscat.” Zsoldos (1842) op. cit. II. 193.
8 Arabic number date of the day.
9 „Pro futuro medicamenta nonnisi extreme pauperibus, quorum paupertas testimonio Vice Comitum aut alterius Magistratualis, vel in honorum absentia Parochi Localis edocta fuerint, administrentur.” Zsoldos (1842) op. cit. II. 193-194. fn. 2.
10 Zsoldos (1842) op. cit. II. 193.
11 Arabic number date of the day.
12 Zsoldos (1842) op. cit. II. 193-194.
13 Ibid.
14 Zsoldos (1842) op. cit. II. 194. p.
15 The existence of the concept in Hungarian law has been known since the 16th century. In connection with the Reformation era, the literature mentions that there is no trace of it in our laws at that time. Its issuance – after hearing at least three witnesses – was the task of the bailiff. The certificate could only be used in the case in which it was issued. Until the 1890s, secondary literature mentions that, with the possible exception of litigation under the poor law, it is not known exactly in what type of case it could be used. Our research shows that the treatment of the poor was already such a use during the Reformation era, based on the above-cited governor's council and other regulations, as well as county orders. For the poverty certificate, Pomogyi L. (2008). Szegénységi bizonyítvány [címszó] [Poverty Certificate (entry)]. In: Pomogyi L (ed.).Magyar alkotmány- és jogtörténeti kéziszótár. [Hungarian constitutional and legal history handbook]. (Budapest: M-Érték Kiadó). 1057-1057. ISBN 978-963-9889-23-1 It is interesting that, according to my personal experience, the expression “Issues/issuing a poverty certificate” was used relatively often until the mid-1980s, which is also interesting in light of the fact that the legal concept itself ceased to exist in 1949. With a search on the Internet, there are barely 9 results for the present tense form of the saying, and only 24 for the past tense form (March 1, 2025).
16 Zsoldos (1842) op. cit. II. 194.
17 Zsoldos (1842) op. cit. II. 194.; 194. fn. 3.
18 Zsoldos (1842) op. cit. II. 194-195. fn. 3.
19 Zsoldos (1842) op. cit. II. 195. fn. 1.
20 Zsoldos (1842) op. cit. II. 194. fn. 1.
21 Zsoldos (1842) op. cit. II. 195.
22 Koi (2013) op. cit. 47-72. Koi (2014) op. cit. 141-171.
23 Récsi E. (1854-1855). : Közigazgatási törvénytudomány kézikönyve az ausztriai birodalmi törvényhozás jelen állása szerint különös tekintettel Magyarországra I. Az összes közigazgatási szervezet és az államszolgálati viszonyok rendszeres előadása. II. A politikai és rendőri közigazgatás ügyei. III. Rendőri közigazgatás (vége). Közoktatási ügyek. IV. Földmívelési, ipar-, kereskedelmi és közlekedési ügyek; tökéletes betűsoros tárgymutatóval az egész munka tartalmáról. [Handbook of Public Administration Law According to the Present State of Austrian Imperial Legislation with Special Reference to Hungary I. A Systematic Presentation of All Public Administration Organizations and Civil Service Relations. II. Matters of Political and Police Public Administration. III. Police Public Administration (End). Public Education Matters. IV. Agricultural, Industrial, Commercial and Transport Matters; With a Complete Alphabetical Index of the Contents of the Entire Work.]. (Pest:Heckenast Gusztáv-Scheiber Nyomda) xii, 396; viii, 355.; viii, 347; viii., 408. ISBN no.
24

Récsi (1854) op. cit. III.109-127. Exactly 15 years after Récsi's work, Gneist distinguishes several forms of policing. Only within the scope of the poor and social affairs does he mention: the policing of beggars (Ger. Bettelpolizei); the policing of vagrants (Ger. Vagabundenpolizei); the poverty policing (Ger. Armenpolizei). He lists in excess: the alien policing (Ger. Fremdenpolizei); and also shows the interesting world of the industrial policing (Ger. Gewerbepolizei); moral policing (Ger. Sittenpolizei); economic policing (Ger. Wirtschaftspolizei); labour policing (Ger. Arbeitspolizei); and the road, river, and canal policing (Ger. Wege-, Fluss,- und Canalpolizei). Elsewhere, the administrative tasks relating to highways are separately named, not using the word ’police’/’Polizei’ (Ger. Chausseeverwaltung). They were not named in the form of ‘police:’ rather, they fell under (?) the regulation of hunting and fishing matters (Ger. Jagd- und Fischereiordnungen), and the branches of judicial administration.

Gneist, R. (1869). Verwaltung Justiz Rechtsweg. Staatsverwaltung und Selbstverwaltung nach englischen und deutschen Verhältnissen. Mitbesonderer Rücksicht auf Verwaltungsreformen und Kreis-Ordnungen in Preussen. (Berlin:Springer) xii, 608. See especially: Gneist (1869) op. cit. 337-433. ISBN no.

25 Récsi (1854) op. cit. III.109.
26 Récsi (1854) op. cit. III.110-112.
27 Récsi (1854) op. cit. III.113-123.
28 Récsi (1854) op. cit. III.123-126.
29 Récsi (1854) op. cit. III.126-128.
30 Récsi (1854) op. cit. III. 123-124. fn. 3.
31 I am not aware of any independent major work analysing the effects of Czech (legal) culture on Hungary. For the effects of Hungarian culture on the Czechia/Bohemia, see: Sárkány O. (1938). Magyar kulturális hatások Csehországban 1790-1848. [Hungarian cultural influences in Bohemia 1790-1848]. (Budapest:Dunántúli Nyomda). 55. ISBN no.
32 Récsi (1854) op. cit. III. 23-26.
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