6. Englishes on screen

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As we know, there is a huge number of dialects of English, varying regionally or socially, as well as according to other features of their speakers, like age, occupation, etc. The most widely known varieties, however, are probably the British received pronunciation (RP) and the general American (GA) dialects. (Note that “most widely known” does not necessarily mean “most widely spoken”: Hughes, Trudgill, and Watt even note that “RP is clearly a minority accent”, only a maximum of about 3-5 percent of the population in England speaks it, p. 4). As Hughes, Trudgill, and Watt (2013) remark, “[t]he label RP has acquired a rather dated – even negative – flavour in contemporary British society” (p. 3), this might be part of the reason why in several movies RP represents the antagonist. “RP became a self-fulfilling prophecy: generations have grown up hearing it in films spoken by evil characters and thus it became an icon of villainy”, claims Szentgyörgyi (2015), referring to such iconic movies as the Star Wars-trilogy, the original Robin Hood, and X-men. Probably connected to being the main evil character, it has been noticed that on the screen, RP is also often associated with power. “RP speaking characters are more powerful than the others. […] RP speaking characters give more orders and receive fewer orders than non-RP speaking characters.” They are also “more respected than non-RP speaking characters”, as they are praised on more, and criticised on less occasions than other characters (Achyutuni, 2020). She attributes this “to the background of the RP accent – it has always been spoken by those with greater power and superior education.” Szentgyörgyi (2021) also notes that there are some stereotypical characters with RP accents recurrent in Hollywood movies: the evil genius, the wise/mentor, fantasy creatures, or royals. Interestingly, these “traditions” are not simply a habitual approach to the representation of film characters, but it seems that there are particular expectations from the viewer’s side concerning aspects. “[A]udiences bring with them certain expectations with regard to how certain types of characters ought to sound”, explains Sonnesyn (2011, 55), in relation to the stir-up surrounding the movie Robin Hood caused by the fact that the actor who played Richard the Lionheart had a Scottish, and Robin Hood an American accent.

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Another aspect of opting for RP in movies can be the fact that the most well-known movies worldwide are the Hollywood movies, with most actors speaking some American accent. Therefore, when the filmmakers consciously try to alienate the audience from a particular character, British accents just seem an obvious choice. “It should be acknowledged that any British accent can be considered a diachronic marker suited to a period series, whereby, from the US standpoint of Netflix, British English has an old flavour that serves to transport the home audience back in time” (Hayes, 2021: 12). As Szentgyörgyi (2021) notes, RP represents a kind of non-regional dialect not only in real life, but also on the screen. To the mainly-intended American audience, it symbolises distance, spatial, temporal, social, age, or abstract. Why this has become so is probably “a combination of the legends of gentlemanly criminals and the way Americans in the Wild West perceived the RP accent and the similar American accents spoken on the East Coast” (Szentgyörgyi, 2015). Other scholars seem to agree with this remark, as well.

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[I]t is frequent to encounter British upper-class characters who contrastively move, from a geographic point of view, within a foreign, usually United States, context, or, from a social point of view, in a working-class context. British and American characters on the one hand and upper-class and working-class characters on the other are in these cases juxtaposed so as to put into relief the language varieties and the linguistic, social and cultural nuances at play in what is de facto a multilingual environment (Ranzato, 2018: 203–204).

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However, scholars seem to agree that pronunciation characterising an accent is not to be viewed in isolation from other, non-linguistic features: “upper-class speech is perceived by others as British sounding, not because of any similarity in the pronunciation of vowels or consonants, but for shared features of speech style” (Ranzato, 2018: 204); “The properties that distinguish upper class speech are not phonemic but prosodic and lexical. They constitute what Hymes (1974) calls a ’style’ rather than a dialect. In particular, upper class speech is characterized by a drawling and laryngealized voice quality and, contrastingly, by frequent use of emphatic accent patterns and of intensifying modifiers” (Kroch, 1996: 39).

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There are also gender differences of the usage of accents in movies. Berglund (2017) analyses three fiction movie series: Harry Potter, The Lord of the Rings, and Narnia Chronicles. She categorises characters into 6 groups: males, females, main heroes, villains, comic relief, and mentors. She states that “RP is represented in every category in some way”; and that the “category with the widest arrange of accents corresponding to the smallest number of characters is that of villains”. Also, the “largest group of characters, males, has a surprisingly low number of accents” (pp. 22–23).

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Apart from the symbolism surrounding British vs. American accents, however, it is not always the strongest representation of different dialects that characterises movies. As the goal of dialects is to create a certain approach to the characters and/or have particular conversational implications, not necessarily to always loyally portray reality, other aspects, like understandability, may influence how strong the accents in a film are. “[A]s De Laurentiis (2014: 69–72) and Taylor (2006, 38) highlight, compared to spontaneous speech, film speech shows a neutralising tendency and thus also dialects and accents, when present, tend to be less strong and marked in order not to affect the audience’s comprehension and the reception of the movie itself” (Bruti,Vignozzi, 2017: 48).
 
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