Mátyás Bánhegyi: The Effects of Politics and Ideology on the Translation of Argumentative Political Newspaper Articles
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Chapter 8: Results and discussion
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8.4 Discussion of results of CDA analysis
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8.4.3 Summary of CDA results

8.4.3 Summary of CDA results

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This section summarises the results of the CDA analysis along the four components of the TDSI Model. The findings with reference to the target texts are collated and described below broken down by the four components. This summary will be used as the input for the next component of the Political Bias Screener, the TPMC Model.

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The analysis has revealed that the target texts reproduce all properties of the source texts in terms of the component of Action: the intentionality and the perspective of the source texts are fully reproduced, implications and consequences are reproduced in an attempt to satisfy client expectations. In connection with the textual features associated with the component of Context it can be established that there is a tendency to satisfy the political expectations of the client in the target texts: even if participant related features and higher-level action are not manipulated, references to local and global contexts are manipulated to reflect the political expectations of the client. As far as textual features related to the component of Power are concerned, target texts seem to undermine the dominance of the ruling elite irrespective of client expectations.

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As far as target textual features related to the component of Ideology are concerned, based on the findings, the following detailed conclusions will be drawn as suited to the complexity of the diverse aspects of the component of Ideology. It appears that translators reproduce all evaluative beliefs and opinions of the source text once they are translating for clients who share the same ideology as the one expressed in the source text. If the client does not share the same ideology as the one surfacing in the source text, translators only partially reproduce such ideological contents. This seems to suggest that translators always keep the client and the ideology shared by the client in mind and they produce texts that ideologically suit the client. The arguments, on the other hand, are not manipulated by translators, however the lexical choice in the gists are manipulated. Lexis is selected in a way that the choice of lexis will, as a rule, reflect the client’s ideology.

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Furthermore, stylistic features and metaphors expressing ideology in the source text are reproduced on condition the ideology they express is identical to the ideology of the client. Otherwise, translators only partly reproduce such stylistic features and metaphors. With reference to the implicature expressed by the political message of the target texts, it is phrased in the target texts to reflect the ideology shared by the client. In a similar fashion, the US vs. THEM distinction is retained in target texts, however the lexical choice appearing in the referent sentences can support or undermine the effectiveness of the ideology behind the distinction. The lexical choice in the reproduction of the US vs. THEM distinction is again suited to the client’s ideology.

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Strange as it may seem, it is noteworthy that translators rarely include their own ideological beliefs that oppose the ideology of their actual client. On the other hand, on the basis of the above results, it can be stated that translators produce target texts the ideological and political bias of which clearly reflect client expectations. As a summary, it can be concluded that the target texts reflect the political bias of the client.

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Consequently, we propose to term the translation strategy in the scope of which translators manipulate target texts in a way that the resulting ideological and/or political bias expressed in these texts ideologically and/or politically suits the actual client’s ideological and/or political expectations and promotes the given client’s ideological and/or political objectives ideological and political approximation. It can thus be concluded that ideological approximation can be observed in the case of all target texts under scrutiny within the scope of the present undertaking.

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As far as a comparison of the results of this research with other research projects using van Dijk’s (1993, 1997, 1999, 2001, 2003, 2004, 2006) CDA are concerned, it is to be noted that several such research efforts have explored the translation of poltical texts. Alghamdi (2014) examined the Arabic translation of an English-language book on language and ideology through two target-language texts. With the help of macro- and microlevel analyses using van Dijk’s (1999) CDA framework, Alghamdi (2014) has identified some translation strategies that have contributed to the amplification of the ideological content of the source text. Such translation strategies included nominalisation and the extensive use of lexical items with ideological content. The researcher concludes that translators have the capacity to reproduce and amplify ideological content through the above linguistic means and actually do so in reality and practice.

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Keshavarz and Zonoozi (2011) have analysed three English political books and their Persian translations with the help of van Dijk’s (2006) CDA. The analysis at the microlevel concludes that translators use lexical strategies for the promotion of the ideology contained in the books: these strategies include positive self-presentation and negative other-presentation. The analysis of the translations at the macrolevel shows that the translators’ ideological stances, trends and judgments towards the source texts surface in the target texts. It appears that the micro-level findings of Keshavarz and Zonoozi’s (2011) research support the findings of the current research. However, their findings at the macrolevel are in contrast with the findings of our research.

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Relying partly on Dijk’s (2008) sociocognitive approach, Gu and Tipton (2020) use Critical Discourse Analysis to explore the work of Chinese into English interpreters working for the Chinese government. After the examination of 20 years of China’s Premier’s Press Conference data, with reference to microlevel features, the study concludes that, when interpreting the Chinese Premier’s speeches, the English translations apply inclusive language through the use of I/we, etc. and thus broaden the scope of the message. This study underscores that the examined interpreters identify with the author of the text and treat these texts as institutional messages, which shows that microlevel features can contribute to the positioning of texts through translators’ ideological stances, which supports the findings of our study.

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Daghigh, Sanatifar and Awang (2018) analysed 31 English opinion articles published between April 2013 and June 2013 about Iran’s nuclear program and their corresponding Persian translations published on an Iranian news website. Based on the texts analysed, the study develops a translation-specific analytical model for identifying translation strategies applied for ideological manipulation in translated texts. The researchers conclude that van Dijk’s (1993, 2001, 2005) sociocognitive approach to CDA, which consists of the three components of society, cognition, and discourse and is primarily based on the US vs. THEM distinction, is a sufficient analytical model to account for manipulation in the translation of political texts at a sociocognitive level. The conclusions of the study resound with the results of the current research in two ways: on the one hand, in terms of the applicability of van Dijk’s theoretical model on translated texts for the purpose of identifying political manipulation; and, on the other hand, the findings of this research also point out the relevance, presence and applicability of the US vs. THEM distinction in the analysis of political texts and their translations.

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In order to study sociocultural conditions and power surfacing in official public discourse and their translations, Zhang and Pan (2017) examine SARS notices issued by three public institutions in Macao, and their translations into English. Using a CDA approach by Fairclough (1989, 1992), and with the help of Halliday’s (1978, 1994) theory of the interpersonal function, the researchers examined 3 source and 3 corresponding target texts. It is observed that the source discourses mostly use commands and statements, and that this textual realisation conveys higher authority. This is also confirmed by the English target texts, which express stronger obligation and convey even higher authority over the readers. This seems to confirm the findings of the current research in that translations are capable of transforming power relations and can also further reinforce power expressed in source texts.

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Károly (2013) examines the rhetorical structure of Hungarian-English news translations and identifies shifts in the quality and position of relational propositions. Such translational shifts impact the rhetorical and the generic structure of the examined target texts thereby influencing readers’ interpretation of the texts. The author attributes non-linguistically triggered shifts to differing cultural norms rather than translators’ conscious ideological intervention but does not question the potential of such shifts in exerting ideological influence. This finding partly questions the methods and thus the results of the present research as it calls for primary lingustic analysis of all located translational shifts so that linguistically and non-linguistically triggered shifts can be separated, and then examined with the help of discourse analysis.

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Using Baker’s (2006, 2010) narrative theory, Allawzi et al. (2022) study UK BBC and BBC Arabic narratives about the ongoing conflict between Israelis and Palestinians: the researchers compare English source and Arabic target texts. The study concludes that translators – relying on and including their own idologies – manipulate the target text in question: they do so by producing an Arabic text that uses omissions, additions, lexical variations, and substitutions when framing those narratives that are not present in the English text. The study claims that these narratives are instances of ideological manipulation. This study confirms that ideological manipulation can happen through translation and that instances of ideological manipulation can be textually pinpointed.

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Examining manipulation in English-language high-circulation online newspapers and websites and in their Persian translations published on Persian news portals, Aslani (2016) seeks to identify ideological bias with the help of van Fairclough’s (1995) CDA. Aslani (2016) concludes that the examined source texts already contain ideology and that the Persian target texts – through ideological additions and textual manipulation – frame the events in these newspieces in a way that they get localised for the target audience in question. Aslani’s (2016) study also proves that ideological additions and textual manipulation are present in political translations and can be researched with the help of CDA.

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Using a CDA approach based on Fairclough (1989), van Dijk (2005) and Farahzad (2007), Keshavarz and Zonoozia (2011) analysed three English political books and their Persian translations. The researchers conclude that translators adopt the ideology shared by the identity commissioning the translation and use ideological approximation to promote the interest of those who commission the work. It has also been found that the US vs. THEM distinction is extensively applied in the translated texts examined. This research confirms the presence of ideological approximation in translated political texts as well as the application of the US vs. THEM distinction, which the current research has also identified.

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With the help of 37 feature press articles and using Hatim and Mason’s (1997) model of three degrees of translators’ mediation, Gumul (2010) explores in what ways explicitation shifts in media translation can function as a tool of linguistic manipulation in British and American press articles and their Polish translations. Gumul (2010) concludes that explicitation in translated political discourse can serve political purposes and can be seen as acts of manipulation even if the existence and (un)conscious nature of such actions are hard to determine. Gumul’s (2010) results seem to support the findings of the current research in that manipulation, let it be conscious or unconscious, is present in translated political texts.

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In order to furnish an explanation for the presence of above target textual features and the use of such translator strategy in the political mass communication context, which the target texts are part of, the Translation-centred Political Mass Communication Model will be applied.
 
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