Appendix 3

 

[1] According to experts, only weak people compensate, while compensation is not a sign of weakness. [2] It can also show strength. [3] The Prime Minister will now prove that he does not only have the generosity of the victor, as was shown in 2006, when he did not have a single word of resentment towards those who lost (instead, he later criticized his own party), but when he loses, he does so like a gentleman. [4] He is still in the throes of proving this, though there was a moment when it could be believed that he was already doing this: when he announced at the Sunday night closing of the ballot boxes that the government was determined to make all legal alterations to withdraw the visit fee, the daily fee for hospital treatment and the tuition fee. [5] And, in the same announcement, he also said that people had made the most financially favorable decision for them, but they must come to realize that this does not lead anywhere.

[6] Since then he has been trying to explain, hand in hand with Mr. János Kóka, that general practitioners will, due to Fidesz’s (Hungarian Civic Union) referendum campaign, suffer the loss of a monthly sum of HUF 150 000. [7] And the government is not in a position to compensate for this.

 

[8] This is an easily understandable viewpoint and it is acceptable especially when Mr. István Éger, President of the Hungarian Medical Chamber running amok in Hungarian public life, wants to have the financing of general practitioners doubled while so far he had been complaining at every forum that allegedly the visit fee did not in any way help doctors’ finances.

 

[9] I am not asking “What his motives are!” [10] It’s a fact that a few hundred general practitioners have declared that the system of the visit fee works. [11] It’s a fact that a whole group of well-respected economic experts have been in support of this element of the reforms. [12] It is not important what we think: what cannot be ignored now is the votes of the some 3 million people who this time took the trouble to cast a ballot and signaled that they do not want to pay those fees. [13] This cannot be ignored. [14] Now it is not important that PM Ferenc Gyurcsány and Mr. János Kóka are convinced of their own truth, in which they are naturally right as serious politicians believe in themselves, however, to make principles out of beliefs in politics is a risky business. [15] And taking offence is even more dangerous.

[16] The government has obligations. [17] PM Gyurcsány and his government tried something that did not work. [18] They will have to try another thing. [19] If that one fails, then another one. [20] And if that does not work, either, then they will have to resign. [21] It is as simple as that. [22] So compensation, in a dose of healthy compromise, is a must; not as a result of Fidesz, Mr. Éger, and heaven knows who else demanding it but because it is the responsibility of the government. [23] The depreciation expense repealed earlier has to be restored, which is approximately a monthly HUF 70 000 per medical praxis. [24] And if general practitioners come off worse without the visit fee than with it, it is their business. [25] Now the die is cast…

 

[26] PM Gyurcsány’s basic interest lies with this: if he is serious about the idea of a multi-fund health insurance system and considers himself an advocate of reforms, then he definitely needs to give it a chance that he successfully faces another closely reform-related question.

[27] Should he fail to do so, this would mean the end of his career as a prime minister.

[28] And that would be impossible to compensate.

 

 

 

 

[1] According to experts, only weak people compensate, while compensation is not necessarily a sign of weakness. [2] It might also show strength. [3] The Prime Minister can now prove, if he may, that he does not only have the generosity of the victor, as was shown in 2006, when he did not show resentment towards those who lost (rather towards his own party), but when he loses, he does so with his head high up. [4] He still owes proving this, though there was a moment when it could be believed that he would not further delay this: when he announced at the Sunday night closing of the ballot boxes that the government would prepare all the legal conditions of the withdrawal of the visit fee, the daily fee for hospital treatment and the tuition fee. [5] And, in the same announcement, he also said that people had voted to spare money, which can no longer be tolerated. [6] Since then they have been overdoing each other with Mr. János Kóka in proving that general practitioners will suffer the loss of a monthly sum of HUF 150,000 due to Fidesz’s (Hungarian Civic Union) referendum campaign. [7] And they will not compensate for this.

 

[8] This is an easily understandable viewpoint and it is acceptable especially when a dangerous adventurer of Hungarian public life, Mr. István Éger, President of the Hungarian Medical Chamber, wants to have the financing of general practitioners doubled while so far he had been explaining that the visit fee did not help doctors’ finances.

 

[9] The exclamation “Such a person!” is irrelevant at this point. [10] It is irrelevant that a few hundred general practitioners have declared that the system of the visit fee works. [11] It is irrelevant that a group of economic experts have been in support of this element of the reforms. [12] It is irrelevant what we think: what cannot be overlooked is the votes of the some 3 million people who took the trouble to cast a ballot and so declared that they do not want to pay those fees. [13] This cannot be overlooked. [14] Now it is not important that PM Ferenc Gyurcsány and Mr. János Kóka are convinced of their own truth, in which they are self-evidently right as leading politicians believe in themselves, however, to make principles out of beliefs in politics verges on foolhardiness. [15] And getting offended is really dangerous.

 

[16] Any government has obligations. [17] PM Gyurcsány and his crew tried something that did not work. [18] They will have to try another thing. [19] If that thing fails, then another one. [20] And if that does not work, either, then they will have to go. [21] It is as simple as that. [22] So compensation, in a dose of healthy compromise, is a must; not as a result of Fidesz, Mr. Éger, and any other people demanding it but because it is the responsibility of a government. [23] The depreciation expense repealed earlier has to be restored, which is approximately a monthly HUF 70,000 per medical praxis. [24] And if general practitioners come off worse without the visit fee than with it, it is their problem. [25] They might as well have done something about it…

 

[26] PM Gyurcsány’s basic interest lies with this: if he is serious about the idea of a multi-fund health insurance system and considers himself an advocate of reforms, then he needs to give it a try that he can possibly face another closely reform-related question. [27] Should he fail to do so, it would mean his fiasco as prime minister.

 

[28] And it will be impossible to compensate.

 

 

 

[1] On the evening of the referendum with a record high participation rate compared to other similar occasions so far, and a strong ‘Yes’ victory, Mr. László Sólyom, President of the Republic of Hungary, claimed that the result speaks for itself. [2] Then he declared that now it is legislators’ and politician’s turn to draw the consequences and take the necessary steps.

 

[3] This task was attempted to be absolved in the House of Parliament yesterday. [4] It was obvious from the beginning that both Fidesz–KDNP (Hungarian Civic Union – Christian Democratic People’s Party) initiating the abandonment of the visit fee, the daily fee for hospital treatment and the tuition fee and the governing parties vehemently opposing the abandonment want to take legislative steps to submit to the wish of the people in an appreciation of the popular vote frequently mentioned also in pre-agenda speeches.

 

[5] Mr. Ferenc Gyurcsány’s speeches dominated the pre-agenda session. [6] This time, more relaxed, he sounded more moderate than in his castigating Sunday night reactions when he envisioned all ‘No’ voters as socialist supporters and the 3.3 million ‘Yes’ voters as people reluctant to pay. [7] At the beginning of his manifold statements, surely resulting from his evaluation of the situation, he said that the referendum result will be respected, according to which at least 3 million people disagree with the “speed and depth of the changes of the recent one and a half years.” [8] Later, however, the usual critical tone: the majority voting ‘Yes’ did not decide on who is to pay the fees repealed. [9] Criticism was communicated towards everyone: the journalists who did not keep on asking this question, the Constitutional Court and indirectly its first president, the current President of the Republic of Hungary, how they deemed such questions suitable for a referendum. [10] The “Jackass of Őszöd” and the more insignificant members of the cast (Mr. Kóka, Ms. Lendvai, Mr. Hiller) argued that those selfish ones who voted 3 times ‘Yes’ are the bargain hunters of free deals. [11] Mr. Tibor Navracsics Leader of the parliamentary group of Fidesz called attention in vain to the premise that nobody thinks that nothing ever has had to be paid for health care or education: speeches advocating the standpoint of the government were trying to convince fellow MPs and TV viewers that we have not been paying at the doctor and in higher education twice, not even once while the GDP proportionate state contribution spent on education, healing and prevention was not elaborated on.

 

[12] At the same time we learnt from the mildly melancholic head of government that Hungary lost with the referendum in the long run. [13] And, obviously judging from his own experience of the privatization of the Szalay utca building and the Őszöd holiday complex, PM Gyurcsány stated that it does not lead to a strong and modern Hungary to talk citizens out of taking part in using services when concurrently paying their own contribution. [14] Approximately this was the essence of PM Gyurcsany’s introspection. [15] The “Jackass of Őszöd”, showing a glimpse of his old-new self, attempted again to convert his widely-known Őszöd speech into a speech of justice in his third speech directing criticism at the President of Fidesz.

 

[16] At the finish of the campaign, PM Gyurcsány, like a passionate Cipolla though not quite as talented as the great Hungarian actor Latinovits, appeared in front of the socialist supporters of Kecskemét and tried to sing the Bank Ban opera tune “There is no one unluckier on earth than me” in a rather enervated manner. [17] His manifold statements conjure up a Shakespearian line paraphrased in the audience: “This be madness and there is no method in ‘t.”

 

 

[1] On the evening of the referendum with a record high participation rate compared to other similar occasions so far, and a strong ‘Yes’ victory, Mr. László Sólyom, President of the Republic of Hungary, said that the result speaks for itself. [2] Then he motioned that now it is legislators’ and politician’s turn to draw the consequences and take the necessary steps.

 

[3] This task was attempted to be absolved in the House of Parliament yesterday. [4] It was obvious from the beginning that both Fidesz–KDNP (Hungarian Civic Union – Christian Democratic People’s Party) initiating the abandonment of the visit fee, the daily fee for hospital treatment and the tuition fee and the governing parties opposing the abandonment fiercely, at all costs and to no avail want to take legislative steps to fulfill the wish of the people in an appreciation of the popular vote frequently mentioned also in pre-agenda speeches.

 

[5] Mr. Ferenc Gyurcsány played the dominant tune of the pre-agenda session. [6] This time, more relaxed, he sounded softer than in his defiant Sunday night reactions when he tried to vision all ‘No’ voters as socialist supporters and the 3.3 million ‘Yes’ voters as people favoring their wallet. [7] At the beginning of his manifold statements, surely resulting from his evaluation of the situation, he said that the referendum result will be respected, according to which at least 3 million people disagree with the “speed and depth of the changes of the recent one and a half years.” [8] Later, however, the usual accusing tone: the majority voting ‘Yes’ did not decide on who is to pay the fees repealed. [9] And then everyone was disapproved of: the journalists who did not ask this question all the time, the Constitutional Court and indirectly its first president, the current President of the Republic of Hungary, how they dared consider such questions suitable for a referendum. [10] The Jackass of Őszöd and more insignificant members of the cast (Mr. Kóka, Ms. Lendvai, Mr. Hiller) argued that those selfish ones who voted 3 times ‘Yes’ are the money grubbers of free deals. [11] Mr. Tibor Navracsics Leader of the parliamentary group of Fidesz in vain called the attention to the fact that nobody thinks that nothing ever has had to be paid for health care or education: the performers of the retuned pro-government canvass-speeches tried to convince their fellow MPs and TV viewers that we have not been paying at the doctor and in higher education twice, not even once while the GDP proportionate state contribution spent on education, healing and prevention was deliberately obscured.

 

[12] At the same time we learnt from the mildly lethargic head of government that Hungary lost with the referendum in the long run. [13] And, obviously judging from his own experience of privatizing the Szalay utca building and the Őszöd holiday complex, PM Gyurcsány stated that it does not lead to a strong and modern Hungary to talk citizens out of taking part in using services when concurrently paying their own contribution. [14] Approximately this was the essence of the Gyurcsanyesque introspection. [15] The Jackass of Őszöd, showing his old-new self, attempted again to convert his infamous Őszöd speech of lies into a speech of justice in his third speech reprimanding the President of Fidesz.

 

[16] At the finish of the campaign, PM Gyurcsány, who played Cipolla passionately but not at actor Latinovits’s standard in front of the socialist supporters of Kecskemét, now tried to sing the Bank Ban opera tune “There is no other loser on earth but me” in a rather enervated manner. [17] The content of his manifold statements reminds the audience of Shakespeare paraphrased: “This be madness and there is no method in ‘t.”

 

 

 

[1] According to experts, only weak people will compensate. [2] Compensation, however, is not necessarily a sign of weakness. [3] It can show strength, too. [4] The Prime Minister can now show that he does not only have the winner’s generosity, like in 2006, when he did not have a belittling word towards the losers (he later targeted his own party), but also that he is able to lose in style. [5] Justification still remains to be furnished, although there was a moment when one believed that he would not postpone to do so at the closing of the ballot boxes on Sunday night, when he announced that the government had made all preliminary legal arrangements to abolish the visit fee, the daily fee for hospital treatment and the tuition fee. [6] In the same announcement, he then also stated that people had voted on purely financial grounds, and they were to realize that this cannot be continued like this. [7] Since then, him and Coalition partner President Mr. János Kóka have been competing to prove that general practitioners will come very badly off the Fidesz (Hungarian Civic Union) initiated referendum, as, due to this, they will incur a monthly HUF 150,000 loss. [8] And the government will not compensate.

 

[9] This standpoint is easily understandable and it will become acceptable especially when Mr. István Éger, President of the Hungarian Medical Chamber, and at the same time a dangerous adventurer of Hungarian public life, is now intent on demanding a twofold increase in general practitioners’ financing whereas that far he had been telling the world that the visit fee was an impasse.

 

[10] “What a person!” is unimportant now to consider. [11] It is unimportant that the visit fee has been rendered efficient by a few hundred general practitioners. [12] It is unimportant that numerous respectable economic experts have stood by this element of the reforms. [13] It is unimportant what one believes. [14] What cannot be neglected is the votes of people in excess of 3 million who appeared in front of the ballot boxes and cast a vote demonstrating that they do not wish to pay those fees. [15] This is what cannot be neglected. [16] And this makes it unimportant that PM Ferenc Gyurcsány and Mr. János Kóka are convinced of their own truth: no serious politician can afford not to believe in himself, which, from their own point of view, is certainly right. [17] Nonetheless, turning beliefs into principles is a shaky venture in politics. [18] Showing resentment is even shakier.

 

[19] Governance entails obligations. [20] The Gyurcsány team tried to follow a pathway – it did not work. [21] Another pathway must be sought. [22] If that does not lead anywhere, yet another has to be found. [23] And if that is also a dead end, they will have no other choice but to resign. [24] This is so simple! [25] That is: a healthy compromise must be offered as compensation. [26] Not because Fidesz, Mr. Éger, and whoever else demand so but because it is the responsibility of any government. [27] The formerly repealed depreciation expense of approximately HUF 70,000 per medical praxis per month has to be restored. [28] And if general practitioners are still worse off than with the visit fee, it is their problem. [29] And it is exclusively their problem.

 

[30] This is also PM Gyurcsány’s most vital interest. [31] If he is determined about introducing a multi-fund health insurance system and is a PM committed to reforms, he needs to ensure that he avoids failure in a next issue closely associated with the reforms. [32] If he did not manage, this would indicate his failure as a Prime Minister.

 

[33] And in such a situation, no compensation would be possible.

 

 

[1] According to experts, only weak people will compensate. [2] Compensation, however, is not necessarily a sign of weakness. [3] It can show strength, too. [4] The Prime Minister can now show that he does not only have the winner’s generosity, like in 2006, when he did not have a belittling word towards those losing the elections (he later targeted his own party), but also that he is able to lose like a loser. [5] Justification is yet to be furnished, although there was a moment when one could believe that he would not postpone to do so at the closing of the ballot boxes on Sunday night, when he announced that the government had made all preliminary legal arrangements to abolish the visit fee, the daily fee for hospital treatment and the tuition fee. [6] However, in the same announcement, he immediately stated that people had voted on purely financial grounds, and it was time they realized that this cannot continue like this forever.

[7] Since then, him and Coalition partner President Mr. János Kóka have been having a little contest to prove that general practitioners will come very badly off the Fidesz (Hungarian Civic Union) initiated referendum, as, due to this, they will incur a monthly HUF 150,000 loss.

[8] And the government will by no means compensate.

 

[9] This standpoint is easily understandable and it will seem acceptable especially when Mr. István Éger, President of the Hungarian Medical Chamber, and at the same time an allegedly dangerous adventurer of Hungarian public life, is now intent on demanding a twofold increase in general practitioners’ financing whereas that far he had been telling the world that the visit fee was an impasse.

 

[10] “What a person!” is unimportant now to consider. [11] It is unimportant that the visit fee has been rendered acceptable by some general practitioners. [12] It is unimportant that a few economic experts have stood by this element of the reforms. [13] Irrespective of what one believes: what cannot be neglected is the votes of people in excess of 3 million who appeared in front of the ballot boxes and cast a vote demonstrating that they will not pay those fees. [14] This is what cannot be neglected. [15] And this makes it unimportant that PM Ferenc Gyurcsány and Mr. János Kóka are still convinced of their own truth. [16] No politician can afford not to believe in himself, which is certainly right – from their own point of view. [17] Nonetheless, turning beliefs into principles is a foolhardy venture in politics. [18] But showing resentment is even more foolhardy.

 

[19] Governance entails obligations. [20] Gyurcsány and his cronies tried to follow a pathway – it did not work. [21] Another pathway must be sought. [22] If that does not lead anywhere, yet another has to be found. [23] And if that is also another dead end, they will have no other choice but to step down finally. [24] This should be so simple! [25] That is: a healthy compromise must be offered as compensation. [26] Not because Fidesz, Mr. Éger, and whoever else demand so but because it is the responsibility of any government. [27] The formerly repealed depreciation expense of approximately HUF 70,000 per medical praxis per month has to be restored. [28] And if general practitioners are still worse off than with the visit fee, it is their problem. [29] They should have done things differently.

 

[30] This is also PM Gyurcsány’s most vital interest. [31] If he is determined about introducing a multi-fund health insurance system and is a PM committed to reforms, he needs to at least try to ensure that he avoids failure in a next issue closely associated with the reforms. [32] If he does not manage, this will indicate his failure as a Prime Minister.

 

[33] And in such a situation, no compensation will be possible at last.

 

 

 

[1] On the evening of the referendum, characterised by an unprecedented high participation rate compared to other similar occasions so far, and a strong victory of the ‘Yes’ side, Mr. László Sólyom, President of the Republic of Hungary, said the result speaks for itself. [2] Consequently, he urged legislators and politicians to draw the conclusions and to take the necessary steps.

 

[3] The House of Parliament was engaged in doing so yesterday. [4] From the beginning of session, both Fidesz (Hungarian Civic Union) and KDNP (Christian Democratic People’s Party), the parties having initiated the repeal of the visit fee, the daily fee for hospital treatment and the tuition fee, as well as the governing parties, who had been strongly opposing the repeal, have obviously felt motivated to take the necessary legislative steps to guarantee the fulfilment of the wish of the people appreciating the ‘popular vote’ frequently referred to in the pre-agenda speeches.

 

[5] MP Ferenc Gyurcsány gave the keynote speech in the pre-agenda session. [6] More in terms with the actual situation, this time, his speech was more manageable than his insolent Sunday night reactions, when he imagined all ‘No’ voters as socialist supporters while the 3.3 million ‘Yes’ voters as people deciding purely on financial grounds. [7] Most probably as a result of his evaluation of the current situation, at the beginning of his numerous speeches, he announced that the results of the referendum will be respected with at least 3 million people disagreeing with the “speed and depth of the changes in the recent one and a half years.” [8] Yet, later there came the usual accuses: the majority voting ‘Yes’ did not in fact settle who is to compensate for the fees to be repealed. [9] And then the journalists got scolded, who failed to ask this question time and time again, to be followed by the Constitutional Court and indirectly its first president, the current President of the Republic of Hungary with the Prime Minister questioning how come they did consider such questions suitable for a referendum. [10] The Dimwit of Őszöd and the less significant members of PM Gyurcsány’s team (Mr. Kóka, Ms. Lendvai, Mr. Hiller) claimed that those selfish persons who cast three YES’s in the ballot boxes in fact wish to receive services for free. [11] Mr. Tibor Navracsics, Leader of the parliamentary group of Fidesz, was in vain trying to highlight that nobody thinks no contribution whatsoever has had to be paid for health care or education services. [12] Parliamentary advocates of the re-echoing pro-government propaganda tried to persuade fellow MPs and the TV viewers that one does not pay at the doctor and at the university once, let alone twice. [13] Naturally, at the same time, data on the GDP proportionate state contribution allocated to education, health care and preventive medicine were deliberately cloaked.

 

[14] However, the slightly lethargic Prime Minister revealed that in the long term Hungary will sadly miss something as a result of the referendum. [15] And, obviously based on his experience of privatizing the Szalay Street building and the Őszöd holiday resort, PM Gyurcsány assured us that no strong and modern Hungary can be built if citizens are convinced that using services can by no means entail having to pay one’s own contribution. [16] All in all, PM Gyurcsány’s introspection extended to as much as this. [17] While having the President of Fidesz under fire, the Dimwit of Őszöd made yet another attempt to translate his infamous Őszöd speech of lies into a talk of truthfulness in his third pre-agenda speech revealing his new-old self.

 

[18] At the close of the campaign, PM Gyurcsány, while passionately acting in the role of Cipolla but not as perfectly as Latinovits in front of socialist supporters in Kecskemét, this time was trying to sing the part in the opera Bank Ban “There is no one unluckier on earth than me” in an enervated tone. [19] For the audience, the essence of his numerous speeches can be summarized in a Shakespearian paraphrase: “This be madness and there is no method in ‘t.”

 

 

[1] On the evening of the referendum, characterised by an unprecedented high participation rate compared to other similar occasions so far, and a strong victory of the ‘Yes’ side, Mr. László Sólyom, President of the Republic of Hungary, said the result speaks for itself. [2] Consequently, he urged legislators and politicians to draw the conclusions and take the necessary steps.

 

[3] The House of Parliament was engaged in doing so yesterday. [4] From the beginning of session, both Fidesz (Hungarian Civic Union) and KDNP (Christian Democratic People’s Party), the parties having initiated the repeal of the visit fee, the daily fee for hospital treatment and the tuition fee, as well as the governing parties, who had been (unsuccessfully) moving heaven and earth to campaign against the repeal, have obviously felt motivated to take the necessary legislative steps to guarantee the fulfilment of the wish of the people appreciating the ‘popular vote’ frequently referred to in the pre-agenda speeches.

 

[5] In the pre-agenda session MP Ferenc Gyurcsány acted as the lead piper playing the domineering tune. [6] More in terms with the actual situation, this time, his speech sounded more agreeable than his insolent and impertinent Sunday night reactions, when he fantasized that all ‘No’ voters were socialist supporters while the 3.3 million ‘Yes’ voters were people deciding purely on financial grounds. [7] Most probably as a result of his evaluation of the current situation, at the beginning of his numerous speeches, he announced that the results of the referendum would be respected with at least 3 million people disagreeing with the “speed and depth of the changes in the recent one and a half years.” [8] Yet, later there came the standard accusations: the majority voting ‘Yes’ did not in fact settle who is to compensate for the fees to be repealed. [9] And then the journalists got scolded, who were to ask this question time and time again, to be followed by the Constitutional Court and indirectly its first president, the current President of the Republic of Hungary with the Prime Minister questioning how come they did consider such questions suitable for a referendum. [10] The Dimwit of Őszöd and the less significant members of PM Gyurcsány’s cronies (Mr. Kóka, Ms. Lendvai, Mr. Hiller) claimed that those selfish persons who cast three YES’s in the ballot boxes in fact wish to receive services for free. [11] In vain was Mr. Tibor Navracsics, Leader of the parliamentary group of Fidesz, trying to highlight that nobody thinks no contribution whatsoever has had to be paid for health care or education services. [12] Parliamentary advocates of the re-echoing pro-government propaganda were making all efforts to persuade fellow MPs and the TV viewers that one does not pay at the doctor and at the university once, let alone twice. [13] Naturally, at the same time, data on the GDP proportionate state contribution allocated to education, health care and preventive medicine were deliberately cloaked.

 

[14] However, the slightly lethargic Prime Minister revealed that in the long term Hungary will sadly miss something as a result of the referendum. [15] And, obviously based on his experience of privatizing the Szalay Street building and the Őszöd holiday resort, PM Gyurcsány assured us that no strong and modern Hungary can be built if citizens are convinced that using services can by no means entail having to pay one’s own contribution. [16] All in all, Gyurcsány’s introspection extended to as little as this. [17] While having the President of Fidesz under fire, the Dimwit of Őszöd made yet another attempt to translate his infamous Őszöd speech of lies into a talk of truthfulness in his third pre-agenda speech revealing his new-old self.

 

[18] At the close of the campaign, PM Gyurcsány, while passionately acting in the role of Cipolla but not nearly as perfectly as Latinovits in front of socialist supporters in Kecskemét, this time was trying to sing the part in the opera Bank Ban “There is no one unluckier on earth than me” in an enervated tone. [19] For the audience, the essence of his numerous long-winded speeches can be summarized in a Shakespearian paraphrase: “This be madness and there is no method in ‘t.”